By James F. Adams, Samuel Merrill III, Bernard Grofman
The authors clarify how events and applicants place themselves at the Left-Right ideological measurement and different factor dimensions. Their unified theoretical method of voter habit and social gathering concepts takes into consideration voter personal tastes, voter's partisan attachments, anticipated turnout, and the positioning of the political establishment. The strategy, proven via large cross-national research, contains reviews of the plurality-based two-party contests within the U.S. and multiple-party festival in France, Britain, and Norway.
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Additional resources for A Unified Theory of Party Competition: A Cross-National Analysis Integrating Spatial and Behavioral Factors
Specifically, we argue that candidates have electoral incentives to present policies shaded away from the center, in the direction of voters who are favorably disposed toward them for nonpolicy reasons that are related to such factors as party identification and sociodemographic characteristics. This intuition is important not only for understanding party strategies, but also for what it implies about representation: namely, that parties have electoral incentives to faithfully represent the policy beliefs of their partisan constituencies, the mass–elite linkage that underlies the responsible party model of representation.
Normally, the value 1 on such a scale represents a strongly liberal or leftist position on the issue, whereas the value 7 represents a strongly conservative or rightist position, with intermediate values representing intermediate positions. Given the voter and candidate positions, the voter’s utility (evaluation) of the candidate may employ this information in various ways. Spatial modelers typically posit that voters evaluate candidates according to their proximity along the policy interval, so that left-wing voters prefer left-wing candidates, centrist voters prefer centrist candidates, and so on.
These comparisons show that incorporation of valence issues does not significantly alter party strategies. In Chapters 11 and 12, we consider the implications of valence advantages for policy-seeking candidates’ strategies, where valence evaluation plays a very significant and qualitatively different role. xml CY518/Adams 0 521 83644 1 March 3, 2005 Linking Voter Choice to Party Strategies 31 candidates cannot necessarily manipulate them, nonpolicy considerations can strongly affect the nature of optimal strategies.