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By Martin Mevius

After 1945, kingdom patriotism of the communist regimes in japanese Europe was once characterised by means of the frequent use of nationwide symbols. In communist Hungary the celebration (MKP) commonly celebrated nationwide vacation trips, nationwide heroes, erected nationwide statues, and hired nationwide highway names. This 'socialist patriotism' had its beginning within the 'national line' of the Comintern, validated on Soviet directions following the German invasion of the Soviet Union. at the moment Stalin known as the events of the Comintern to oppose the Germans via issuing the decision for nationwide liberation. This coverage persisted after 1945 while, as an reduction within the fight for energy, the MKP offered itself as either the 'heir to the traditions of the international locations' and the 'only actual consultant of the curiosity of the Hungarian people'. mockingly even though, the Soviet origins of the nationwide line have been additionally one of many major hindrances to its good fortune because the MKP couldn't recommend nationwide calls for if those conflicted with Soviet pursuits. Martin Mevius' pioneering research unearths that what had all started as a tactical degree in 1941 had turn into the self-image of celebration and nation in 1953 and that the last word loyalty to the Soviet Union labored to the detriment of the nationwide occasion - the MKP by no means rid itself of the label 'agents of Moscow'.

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Extra resources for Agents of Moscow: The Hungarian Communist Party and the Origins of Socialist Patriotism 1941-1953 (Oxford Historical Monographs)

Sample text

Ibid. –. Agents of Moscow  fronts was to increase the resistance against the Germans. 12 The establishment of the national front movements had to be conducted under the general slogan of the defence of democracy and national independence. For tactical purposes, the presence of communists in the national front movement had to be downplayed. They were not permitted to ‘pose the question of their hegemony in the National Front’. Molotov and Dimitrov discussed the latter’s proposal on  July. 13      Not only was the initiative a Soviet one, the Comintern’s national propaganda was centrally directed and controlled.

9 He commanded the French party to contact the Gaullist movement on the basis of a ‘joint struggle for national liberation’, and demanded in strong terms that they should desist from Socialist agitation: ‘Yet again we insist on the absolute necessity to avoid in your agitation the presentation of the war between Germany and the Soviet Union as a war between the Capitalist system and the Socialist system. ’ The instructions to the French show this tactical change was not merely made to facilitate the struggle of the communists in their own countries.

As usual, Lenin had formulated his beliefs on nationalism in response to a direct political threat. It was not the last time Lenin would support a sense of national pride for the workers either. 29      In  and , radical European Social Democrats who had rejected war credits in , and continued to oppose the mainstream parties as traitors, formed communist parties in their own countries and established the Communist International (Comintern) in .

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