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A. H. Raskin, “Unions and the Public Interest,” Commentary (February 1954), p. 103. INTRODUCTION 13 Goldstock, the FBI sought to dismantle each crime family by attacking its revenue sources as well as by convicting its leaders. Unions were among organized crime’s most important revenue sources and power bases. S. CONGRESS Until the late 1970s, the most important opposition to labor racketeering came from Congress via hearings, reports, and legislation. 20 Labor officials accused Congress of holding these hearings to weaken labor rather than to fight racketeering and, to an extent, they may well have been right.

7 By 1947, business leaders, Republicans and some Democrats in Congress, and some elements of the citizenry had become convinced that organized labor was too powerful. Over fierce opposition from the labor movement, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act,8 which aimed to cut back labor’s power by prohibiting secondary boycotts, allowing the president to temporarily halt certain strikes, prohibiting political contributions by unions, and prohibiting the closed shop. The act also included a provision outlawing labor bribery; it became a crime for an employer to give anything of value to a labor official and for a labor official to accept anything of value from an employer.

Asserted that powerful mob figures Anthony Corallo and John Dioguardi had assisted Hoffa’s campaign for the IBT presidency. The committee also uncovered mob links with other unions, businesses, and industries. ”25 The McClellan Committee’s hearings led directly to the 1959 Labor Management Reporting and Disclosure Act,26 known as the LandrumGriffin Act, which, for the first time, enlisted union democracy as a key strategy in fighting labor racketeering. Senator McClellan and his colleagues argued that the best antidote to labor racketeering would be an active and informed union rank and file that would monitor its officers and throw them out if they acted contrary to the interests of the membership.

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